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The House on Queen's Drive

  • Writer: Ayomide "Mide" Alabi
    Ayomide "Mide" Alabi
  • Apr 17
  • 5 min read

Military Governor of Lagos State & Ors. v. Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu & Anor. (1986)



Today’s case takes us somewhere a little different from where we’ve been. No English moors, no Victorian ships, and no poisoned ginger beer.

We’re staying home — specifically, at No. 29 Queen’s Drive, Ikoyi, Lagos. And the story we’re telling is one that I think every Nigerian needs to know, because it speaks directly to something we still argue about today: can the government do whatever it wants?

The short answer, courtesy of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in 1986, is no.

Not even under a military government.


Ojukwu’s House

To understand this case, you have to understand who Emeka Ojukwu was and what he represented to the Nigerian government in 1985.


Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu had led the secessionist Republic of Biafra from 1967 to 1970, a brutal civil war that ended in surrender and left millions dead. After the war, he fled to Côte d’Ivoire, where he spent over a decade in exile. In 1982, under President Shehu Shagari, he was granted a presidential pardon and returned to Nigeria.


By 1985, he was living at №29 Queen’s Drive, Ikoyi, a property he claimed had belonged to his late father, Sir Louis Ojukwu, and which he had inherited. The Lagos State Government disagreed. As far as they were concerned, that house belonged to the state, and Ojukwu had no right to be there.


What happened next is where the law comes in.


The Eviction

Rather than going to court to establish their title to the property, the Lagos State government did something considerably more direct and not atypical of military governments back in the day. They sent people to remove him by force.


No court order, no legal process. Just a government deciding it owned something and acting on that belief.


Ojukwu’s lawyers moved fast. On 10th October 1985, they appeared before Justice Omotosho of the Lagos State High Court on an ex-parte basis, seeking an interim injunction to stop the eviction. The High Court granted it, a temporary order restraining the Military Governor, the Commissioner of Police, and the Attorney-General from ejecting Ojukwu and his family from the property until the substantive matter could be properly heard.


The Lagos State Government’s response was to ignore it.


The Contempt

The High Court’s interim injunction was a court order, and so it was binding. But the Lagos State Government, apparently unbothered by that detail, went ahead and forcibly ejected Ojukwu anyway.


In light of this, Ojukwu appealed. The Court of Appeal in Suit No. CA/L/195/85 heard the matter and, on 13th November 1985, delivered a ruling that was unambiguous: the government’s conduct was unlawful, the eviction was wrong, and Ojukwu was to be reinstated to his residence at №29 Queen’s Drive immediately.


The Lagos State Government applied to that same Court of Appeal for a stay of execution of its own ruling. They wanted to freeze the order while they appealed it further. The Court of Appeal dismissed the application on 3rd December 1985, finding it completely without merit. Justice Ademola, J.C.A., put it plainly: the Court could not “blow hot and cold.” It had already condemned the self-help eviction. Staying its own order would be to condone what it had condemned.


Once again, the Lagos State Government refused to comply.


Instead, on 11th December 1985, nearly a month after the original Court of Appeal order, they filed a fresh application at the Supreme Court seeking a stay of execution of the Court of Appeal’s ruling in Suit No. SC.241/1985.


They went to a higher court to get permission to keep disobeying a lower court’s order while still being in contempt of that lower court.


The Supreme Court Speaks

The Supreme Court heard the application on 16th December 1985 and dismissed it that same day, with reasons to follow. The lead ruling was delivered by Justice Kayode Eso, with Justices Obaseki, Uwais, Kawu, and Oputa on the bench.

The court’s reasoning was precise and, frankly, devastating to the government’s position.


Justice Eso made the point that a judgment once given must be accepted as correct until overturned by a higher court. The Supreme Court had not yet set aside the Court of Appeal order. Therefore, the government was bound by it. Going to the Supreme Court to seek relief while still disobeying the lower court’s order was not only procedurally improper, but it was also an attempt to use the court system as a shield for continued lawlessness.


In his words: “I think it is a very serious matter for anyone to flout a positive order of a court and proceed to taunt the Court further by seeking a remedy in a higher court while still in contempt of the lower court. It is more serious when the act of flouting the order of the court, the contempt of the court, is by the executive."


Justice Oputa added what has since become one of the most quoted lines in Nigerian constitutional law: “In the area where the rule of law operates, the rule of self-help by force is abandoned. Nigeria being one of the countries in the world, even in the third world, that proclaims loudly to follow the rule of law, there is no room for the rule of self-help by force to operate.”


As such, the application was refused. The Court held that if the Lagos State Government wanted possession of №29 Queen’s Drive, it had to go to the competent court and obtain an order for possession. Not send men with force, not ignore injunctions, and definitely not coming to the Supreme Court to perpetuate injustice.


Do it properly, or not at all.


Why It Matters

The substantive dispute over who actually owned №29 Queen’s Drive was never the point of this ruling, as the Supreme Court was not deciding title that day. What it was deciding and what makes this case foundational is something far more important: the rule of law applies to government too.


This was 1986. Nigeria was under military rule. The Lagos State Military Governor was not an elected official constrained by political consequences. He was an appointee of the Supreme Military Council, operating in a country that had suspended large parts of its own constitution.


And still, the Supreme Court said no.


It told the government that power—even military power, does not override a court order. That self-help by force is not a legitimate tool for any party to a dispute, including the state. That the executive branch cannot simply act on what it believes is true and deal with the courts later as an afterthought.


In 2026, with federal security agencies detaining opposition figures, with questions about due process circulating daily, and with ordinary Nigerians watching how the government treats the law when the law is inconvenient, this 40-year-old case still has things to say.


The matter of the house on Queen’s Drive is long settled, but it seems that the principle may not be.

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